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联合国秘书长安南2004年在清华大学的演讲(英汉对照、中英文互译)

2010年03月25日  所属:口语助手  来源:英语在线  作者:KofiA.Annan

英汉对照、中英文互译的2004年联合国秘书长安南在清华大学的演讲稿。

联合国安南秘书长在清华大学的演讲
Secretary-General's speech at Qing Hua University


2004年10月11日,清华大学



联合国秘书长安南,联合国演讲,联合国安南,安南 
联合国秘书长安南10月10日抵京,开始对中国进行为期4天的正式访问。10月11日,安南在清华大学发表演讲,与清华学子畅谈和平与发展。 安南曾于1997年5月、1998年3月、1999年11月和2001年1月四次访华。


科菲·安南 (KofiA.Annan)1938年4月8日出生于加纳库马西市,早年就读于加纳库马西理工大学,曾到美国和瑞士留学,先后获美国明尼苏达州麦卡莱斯特学院经济学学士学位和麻省理工学院管理学硕士学位。1996年12月17日,第51届联大任命安南为联合国第七任秘书长。2001年6月,联大通过安理会提名安南连任秘书长,任期至2006年12月31日。2001年10月,安南与联合国同获当年诺贝尔和平奖。

 

Secretary-General Kofi Annan:

Thank you, President Gu, for that most flattering introduction.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is a great honour for me to speak at one of China's great academic institutions – one that is helping to revive and maintain your country's historic tradition of leading the world in science and technology, and one whose alumni are to be found in positions of leadership throughout the country.

Here, as in so many other places in China, no visitor can help feeling the excitement of a great country developing at breakneck speed, and every day opening up new vistas of knowledge and opportunity to its citizens. You can be really proud of your country and what it has achieved in the last 25 years.

As I look out over the young faces in this audience I cannot help envying the international students – more than a thousand, I am told, from over 50 countries – who have the privilege of sharing your learning experience here.

It reminds me for a moment of my own student days, when my country, Ghana, was newly independent. We felt we were suddenly reaching out to the world, and making new discoveries every day.

But then I also remember that times of rapid change can bring pain and confusion, even destruction, as well as progress and excitement.

The more rapid and exciting it is, the more change calls for careful management, and wise, humane leadership.

Order and stability have to be preserved, but without choking off the freedom to enquire, and experiment, and express oneself, since – as you young researchers know better than anyone – knowledge and science have a vital role in national development.

And technical expertise needs to be harnessed to the development and security of society as a whole, so that it not only creates greater wealth for the few, but enables all citizens to feel safer and more prosperous.

The development of such a great country as China cannot happen in isolation. It affects the whole world, and it draws you into new relationships with other parts of the world.

Increasingly, your economy depends on exchanges with other countries – both imports and exports, of both goods and capital. Foreign investment plays an essential role in your growth, while your holdings of foreign currencies – and your management of your own currency – are coming to play a vital part in the international monetary system.

This means that you have a stake in the development and prosperity of the wider world. And your security, too, depends on international peace and stability.

Your government shows that it understands this, by the role that it plays in the United Nations, and elsewhere. And increasingly, Chinese citizens are called on to take risks, and make sacrifices, in the interests of global security. It was impressive to see, in our newspapers the other day, pictures of Chinese policemen in blue helmets preparing to join the United Nations mission in Haiti – an island buffeted by both human and meteorological storms, which is literally on the far side of the world from here.

So I am here, in part, to express the world's gratitude. Clearly you in China have understood, as your saying goes, that we all “share the same breath”. Human misery knows no frontiers, and nor should human solidarity.

Indeed, solidarity was one of the fundamental values solemnly reaffirmed, four years ago, by the political leaders from all over the world who met at United Nations Headquarters, and issued the Millennium Declaration.

They declared that “global challenges must be managed in a way that distributes the costs and burdens fairly... Those who suffer or who benefit least deserve help from those who benefit most.”

They promised to “spare no effort” to free more than one billion of their fellow men, women and children from extreme poverty, and to make the right to development a reality for all.

And they set themselves precise benchmarks by which their success in keeping these promises could be measured, in the year 2015.

Those benchmarks have come to be known as the Millennium Development Goals, or “MDGs”. First among them is the pledge to reduce by half the proportion of people in the world living on an income of less than one dollar a day. Others include the pledge to halt, and begin to reverse, the spread of HIV/AIDS; and the pledge to integrate the principles of sustainable development into every country's policies and programmes, so that our children and grandchildren will not face the threat of living on a planet irredeemably spoilt by human activities, or whose resources are not sufficient for their needs.

Will the world reach these goals by 2015? It depends, in great part, on China.

Your population is so large, and your economy is growing so rapidly, that your impact on all global statistics is enormous. It is theoretically possible that we might succeed in halving the proportion of very poor people in the world by 2015, simply because China had succeeded in lifting almost all its people out of that category, even if most countries in Africa still had the same proportion.

Conversely, many countries might, by 2015, have made great strides in combating HIV/AIDS, or adopting sustainable models of development. But if China had failed to do those things, there would still be terrible consequences for humanity.

However, that need not be the path taken, either in this country or in the rest of the world. Both for your national interests and in the interest of the world as a whole, you have a great responsibility to look after your people, and your natural environment.

But your responsibility does not end there.

The eighth and last Millennium Development Goal is a global partnership for development. This means that developing countries must not be left to develop on their own. They need the help of the richer and more powerful countries – through the removal of unfair trade barriers and subsidised competition; through the elimination of the debts which oblige so many poor countries to spend more on repaying and servicing their creditors than they can on the social needs of their own people; and through more generous official development aid – which the rich countries have repeatedly promised to provide.

In practical terms, global partnership means that every country where there is extreme poverty is entitled to expect help in forging and pursuing a national strategy to achieve the MDGs by 2015. For the poorest countries, most of which are in Africa, this will be of decisive importance. Without it, they will not reach the Goals. With it, they are in with a real chance.

That places a big responsibility on the rich countries – and it is one that China shares. I know you are used to thinking of your country as a developing one, and so it is – probably the fastest developing country the world has ever seen. But the more successfully it develops, the more it too will be expected to show solidarity with smaller and poorer countries that still need a helping hand.

By the same token, as China's geopolitical weight grows, so does its share of responsibility for world security.

As well as global solidarity, the Millennium Declaration expressed a shared vision of collective security, rooted in the United Nations Charter.

Yet the events of the past two years have called that consensus in question.

Some have doubted whether Article 51 of the Charter, which reaffirms “the inherent right of self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security”, is still sufficient in an age when an armed attack may come without warning, from a clandestine terrorist group, perhaps armed with weapons of mass destruction.

They have argued that force must sometimes be used preventively, and that they must be free to decide when their national security requires it.

Others have replied that that doctrine is in itself a grave threat to international peace and security – since it might imply that any state has the right to use force whenever it sees fit, without regard to other states' concerns. And that is precisely the state of affairs which the United Nations was created to save humanity from.

Indeed, the first purpose of the United Nations, laid down in Article 1 of the Charter, is “to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace”.

We must show that the United Nations is capable of fulfilling that purpose, so that States do not feel obliged or entitled to take the law into their own hands.

That is why, last year, I asked a small panel of distinguished men and women to make recommendations on ways of dealing with threats and challenges to peace and security in the twenty-first century. I am delighted that a very wise Chinese statesman, Mr. Qian Qichen, agreed to join that panel, whose report should be ready in a few weeks' time.

I hope that its recommendations will help us to rebuild and improve our global security system, so that in future no state feels it has to face global threats on its own, and all can feel confident that others will respect the rules.

In short, my friends, there is much to be done to make the world safe in this new century, and to give all its inhabitants a real chance of living prosperous and fulfilling lives. Many bold decisions need to be taken, and taken soon.

I hope that some of the most important may be taken in September next year, when world leaders will again assemble at the United Nations to review the progress made, or not made, since the Millennium Declaration. This will be the world's best chance for a breakthrough to address the joint global challenges of development and security. Yet the task will be much tougher than five years ago: instead of setting goals, this time leaders must agree on concrete decisions to achieve them.

For 191 nations to agree on a common path forward, many debates will be needed over the coming year, both within countries and among them. Governments will have to work together and reach compromises, sometimes involving the sacrifice of cherished national goals or interests. And they can do so only if their peoples understand what is at stake, and firmly support it

China, with its remarkable experience in development and expertise in security, can make a leading contribution to this vital global breakthrough.

That is why I am so glad to be in Beijing today, and to have the chance to speak not only to your government but also to you here, in one of China's great centres of innovation and creative thought. You young educated people have so much to contribute to development, and to meeting the global challenges that I have spoken about – safeguarding world peace and security, developing friendly relations among peoples of different faith or culture, and achieving the Millennium Development Goals.

You already have a well-developed network of solidarity between richer and poorer regions within China, and I know many of you will be serving in poor areas, after you graduate. I hope some of you will think also about serving in other parts of the world, where your skills may be even more desperately needed.

I urge you all – and your contemporaries throughout China – to commit yourselves to finding answers to our century's great challenges of poverty, disease, and environmental degradation. I say to you, as I have said to students in the United States, and many other countries, “go out and make the world better!”

But I have spoken long enough. Now it's your turn. If you have questions, I will try to answer them. But I hope you may also have comments, so that I can learn from you.

Thank you very much.
 




顾校长,感谢你充满溢美之词的介绍。

女士们、先生们:

  清华大学是中国最具声望的学府之一,来到这里演讲使我感到十分荣幸。中国具有领先世界科技的历史传统,贵校正在努力恢复和保持这一传统,贵校的毕 业生遍布全国各地的领导岗位。

  和在中国其他许多地方一样,凡是来到清华大学参观的人,都不能不对伟大中国突飞猛进的发展,每天给人民带来的新的知识和机会而感到兴奋。各位,你们尽可对自己的国家和国家25年来的成就感到骄傲。

  看着听众席上一张张年轻的面孔,我不得不对国际学生充满羡慕之情。我听说,来自50多个国家的1000多名学生有幸与大家一起在贵校同窗学习。

  这使我想起了我自己的求学岁月,当时我的祖国加纳刚刚获得独立。我们突然感到,我们的国家正在走向世界,我们每天都有新的发现。

  但是,我也记得迅速变化的年代带来的不仅是进步和兴奋,它同样能带来痛苦和困惑,甚至是破坏。

  变化越是迅速、越是令人兴奋,就越需要谨慎把握,需要明智和以人为本的领导。

  我们必须找出办法保护贫穷和弱势群体的利益不受侵犯,朝气蓬勃的年轻一代不被剥夺变化带来的各种机会。

  我们必须维护秩序和稳定,但也不应扼杀探索、试验和表达意见的自由。作为年轻的学者,你们比任何人都更清楚地知道,在国家的发展中,知识和科学有着举足轻重的作用。   应该把科技专门知识用于全社会的发展和保障,既要为少数人带来更大的财富,又要使全体公民感到更加安全,更加富裕。

  中国是一个伟大的国家,中国的发展不可能在孤立中实现。中国的发展对全世界产生了影响,而发展又把中国带入了与世界其他地区建立的新型关系。

  就商品和资金的进出口而言,中国经济对与其他国家交流的依赖程度越来越大。外国投资对于中国经济的增长发挥着根本的作用,而中国的外汇储备以及贵国对本国货币的管理,将在国际货币体系中发挥重要的作用。   这就是说,全世界的发展与繁荣对中国利害攸关。中国的安全也离不开国际的和平和稳定。

  中国政府通过在联合国以及其他场所发挥的作用表明,中国认识到了这一点。中国公民越来越多地被要求为全球安全的利益承担风险,作出牺牲。前几天我们看到,我们的报纸上刊登了中国警察头戴蓝盔,准备奔赴海地参加联合国特派团工作的照片,这给我们留下了深刻的印象。天灾人祸不断的岛国海地,的确与中国远隔重洋。

  因此,今天我来到贵校也是为了表达全世界对中国的感激之情。中国人民显然理解,正如。中国谚语所说,应该“同呼吸共命运”。我们还可以再加一句:在全球化的年代里,一个人的呼吸,足以使世界另一半球的人打喷嚏。人类的苦难没有国界,人类的团结也应同样不分国界。   的确,四年前世界各国领导人在联合国总部对团结的根本价值作出了庄严承诺,并发表了《千年宣言》。

  他们宣布,“必须以公平承担有关代价和负担的方式处理各种全球挑战……遭受不利影响或得益最少的人有权得到得益最多者的帮助。”

  他们承诺“竭尽全力”,使世界上为数十亿的男子、妇女和儿童摆脱赤贫,并使发展权成为所有人民的现实。

  他们制订了精确的标准,用以衡量到2015年履行承诺的成就。

  人们把这些标准称作千年发展目标。千年发展目标中的第一条,就是把世界上每天收入不足一美元的人口减少一半。其他目标还有:制止并开始扭转艾滋病毒/艾滋病的蔓延:把可持续发展原则纳入各国的政策和计划,以使我们的子孙后代不会面临居住的地球因遭到人类活动破坏而无法补救、或资源无法满足人类需要的威胁。

  那么,到 2015年全世界是么能够实现这些目标?这在很大程度上取决于中国。

  中国是一个人口众多、经济迅速发展的国家,中国对全球所有统计数字都有着巨大的影响。即使非洲许多国家的问题依然如旧,但在理论上只要中国基本消除了最贫困人口,到2015年我们就能实现把全世界这类人口减少一半的目标。

  相反,到2015年也许许多国家可能在防治艾滋病毒/艾滋病、或在采取可持续发展模式方面取得了巨大的进展。但是,如果中国未能采取同样的行动,那么这仍将会给整个人类带来可怕的后果。

  然而,中国和世界其他国家都可以不走这样的道路。为了中国的利益,也为了全世界的利益,你们应该承担起改善本国人民生活、保护本国自然环境的重大责任。

  但是,你们的责任并非仅此而已。

  千年发展目标的第八项也是最后一项是全球合作促进发展。这就意味着不能抛开发展中国家不管,任其自己发展。发展中国家需要较为富裕、较为强大的国家给予帮助,这就需要消除不公平的贸易壁垒,消除补贴式竞争;需要免除债务,许多贫穷国家为了向债主偿还债务,所费开支远远超出了这些国家为满足本国人民的社会需求所作的开支:还需要更为慷慨的官方发展援助,许多富裕国家曾屡
作承诺,提供这种援助。

  具体说来,全球伙伴关系意味着每一个存在赤贫的国家都有权利期望获得帮助,以拟定并执行到2015年实现千年发展目标的国家战略。这一点对于大多数位处非洲的最贫穷的国家来说,具有至关重要的意义。如果没有这种帮助,这些国家就不能实现千年发展目标。如果能够得到这种帮助,这些国家就真正有机会实现这些目标。   这就使富裕国家担负起一个重大责任,对此,中国也责无旁贷。我知道,你们习惯将自己的国家作为一个发展中国家来看待,中国也的确是一个发展中国家,也许是世界上前所未有的发展速度最快的囚家。不过,中国发展越成功,人们也就越期待中国能够对那些仍然需要援助之手的小国、穷国表现出同舟共济的精神。

  同样,随着中国在地缘政治方面地位不断提高,她在世界安全方面也应分担更大的责任。   《千年宣言)体现了全球团结的精神,也表达了集体安全这一植根于《联合国宪章》的共同理想。

  然而,过去两年来发生的各种事件使人们对这一共识产生了疑虑。

  《宪章》第八十一条重申“联合国会员国受武力攻击时,在安全理事会采取必要办法,以维持国际和平及安全以前,行使自卫之自然权利”。而在当今时代,秘密的恐怖主义集团可能在没有任何警告的情况下发动武装攻击,这些集团也许持有大规模毁灭性武器,在这样一个时代,一些人对上述条款是否依然具有足够效力产生怀疑。

  这些人辩解说,这些时候必须为了预防而使用武力,而在他们国家安全需要时,必须有权自由作出此种决定。   还有些人则认为,这种理论本身就是对国际和平与安全的严重威胁,因为这就意味着任何国家,只要自己认为合适,都有权动武,而不必考虑其他国家所关切的问题。然而,创立联合国恰恰是为了使人类免于遭受这种局面。

  的确,《宪章》第一条规定,联合国的首要宗旨是“采取有效集体办法,防止且消除对和平之威胁”。

  我们必须表现出联合国有能力履行这一宗旨,以使各国不必感到必须或有权利自行执法。

  正是出于这一原因,我于去年请一个名人小组就如何在二十一世纪解决对和平与安全的威胁和挑战提出建议。我感到欣慰的是,一位充满智慧的中国政治家钱其琛先生同意参加该小组,再过几个星期小组的报告就可以提交了。   我希望小组的建议将有助于我们重新建立并改进我们的全球安全体系,这样,未来将没有任何一个国家会感到必须要单枪匹马地面对全球性威胁,而所有国家都会充满信心地认为其他国家将会遵守这些规则。

  简言之,朋友们,要在这个新世纪里使世界变得安全,并赋予全世界所有居民以真正的机会,欣欣向荣,充实地生活,尚有许多工作要做。需要作出许多具有胆识的决定,而且时不我待。

  明年九月,世界领导人将再一次在联合国聚集一堂,审查《千年宣言》以来有哪些进展,或缺乏进展,我希望,届时将会作出一些极为重要的决定。这将是世界在应对发展与安全这一双重全球性挑战方面实现突破的绝佳机遇。不过与五年前相比,任务将更加艰巨,这次领导人不是制订目标,而是为实现这些目标商定具体的决策。   要使191个国家就共同的前进道路达成协议,还需要在未来的一年进行许多讨论,在一国之内和各国之间都要开展辩论。各国政府必须共同努力,并且还要达成妥协,有时甚至要对宝贵的国家目标或国家利益忍痛作出牺牲。但要做到这点,就必须使本国人民懂得利害相关所在,赢得他们的坚定支持。

  中国在发展方面有出色经验,在安全方面也独具专长,因此,可以为这一至关重要的全球性突破作出主导性贡献。

  因此,我今天来到北京非常高兴,能够有机会不仅同贵国政府交谈,而且来到中国著名的学府,这个发明与创新思想的摇篮,与在座各位交谈。我刚刚谈到了各种挑战,包括保卫世界和平与安全,在不同信仰或文化的人民之间发展友好关系,实现千年发展目标等等,为应对这些全球性挑战,为实现发展,你们这些有教育的青年可以大有作为。

  在中国,你们在富裕和贫困地区之间已经建立了十分发达的互助网络,而且我知道你们许多人将在毕业之后去贫困地区服务。我希望你们中的一些人也会考虑到世界的其他地方去服务,在那里,也许更加迫切的需要你们的技艺。

  我鼓励你们全体,全中国各地的你们这一代人,立志求索,为解决贫穷、疾病及环境退化等我们这个世纪所面临的各种巨大挑战,寻求途径。我曾对美国的学生,对其他许多国家的学生说过,现在也对你们说:“走出去,把世界变得更美好!”

  我说的时间已经够长了。现在该轮到你们了。如果你们有问题,我将尽力回答。不过我还希望你们作出评论,这样我可以向你们学习。

  谢谢大家。


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